:>^J> 


















B3 






r>s> ^z 

::>.so> - . 
:> >2> -■ G 

_:> >^: 



:> >>. 



z>>y^ 

z>^^^ 

Z3^>X^ 

^:>^yz> 
:z>y^^ 

::z>y^ 
■:z>y:i> 
z>ysi^ 

^ :> ;s> . 
-■ ^->^ 

> >> > 
^ » > 






r>'>2» 






Z»yZ> 



^j> " 

zm z 
zm ■ ~ 
y>^ =": 

3)>> z 
zsz> 

zm .;,. 

:>s> z 
ZiX> z>z>^^ 

'ZOZ> .z>z>w 

Z>)1> z 



Z>Zl^ 

z>yT> 



Z>Z>1> 

z>^^ 

z:>z>i^ 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 



PRESENTED BY 



UNITED STATES OP AMEKIOA. 






» Z>Z>1 



^3S>^ 



'^>:>z^ 






■^l^'^> 



|1 



"ss* :>::x 



:>>::>; 



&o-3.m^^^.i^fll^^" 



■'^ zz^j£^ yy^^m»z»y'y y^ :>zit 

'Z>^~ZlBS>»Z»-yy :^ ^I>>-^ 



Z>» W- 









z> 1> -•J> 



,>-r>'"^:» 



':>^ X 



^^v :^:^ ^rc^ 



>y>^' 












3^i 



i:^K>i^ 



?35 















3 3> 



IxK*;^! 






-k ^ ^ ^ *^ > 

-• >s:> :> 

3 >^3 

3 >>]>3 

3 O 3 ) 
^ ■■>-> .::> ^ 
3->3 > ' 

' 3 ^^^ 3 ' 



3^3> 

^ 33 ;^ 

3 3>>3^) 

3' 3>:)3y:> 



53^ 



^^ 



> 2> rj 



:> 5 



^^ ^>x> 3i5>> 3er3 
^^ ^^^ 3>s:> 301 

^ ^^>>> 3f>^>.30T 









33 >)^ 



:>^>33>3 
>5^>1>3 



' ■'■'^ jm ill .!» . T» 










NATIONAL 



S«y/3 «]>f3 



WEWE l^lWlii^ilttll 



UNION SQUARE 



MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1866, 



THE AXNIVEESAKY OF 



THE ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION. 



4^.U 



l/it-i-w' ^-^ 



^' 



<y iLK-AAjAi^^' , 



NEW YORK: 

BAPTIST & TAYLOR, BOOK AND JOB PRINTERS 



1 8G6 



/-A 





,H53 



NATIONAL 
UNION CELEBRATION 



AT 



TJNIOIT SQUARE, 

SEPTEMBEM 17, 1866. 



One Huxdrei) Thousand persons assembled iu Union Square, on the evening of 
the 17th of September, 1866, iu response to the following call : 

PEACE AND REUNION ! 



CUE COUNTRY NOW AND FOREVER ! ! 



In compliance with the request of the 

NATIONAL UNION CONVENTION 

Held at Philadelphia the 14th August, 1866, 

THE PEOPLE OF NEW YORK 

Who are in favor of the 

MAINTENANCE OF THE CONSTITUTION 

And an immediate 

RESTORATION OF THE UNION 

Of the States, who desire to forget the dissensions of the past and restore peace to a 
distracted country, and who approve the open, manly and patriotic course of 

A.]Sr33REW JOHNSON 

In opposition to the illegal assumptions and usurpations of a partisan Congress, are 
requested to assemble in mass meeting at 

UNION SQUARE, 

ON MONDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 17, 

The Anniversary of the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, for the 
purpose of commemorating that illustrious event, and of ratifying the 
proceedings of the 

NATIONAL UNION CONVENTION 

as set forth in their Address and Resolutions. 

EMINENT SPEAKERS WILL ADDRESS THE MEETING. 

The various National Union Associations and Johnson Clubs are cordially invited 
to co-opprate in the movement. 

By order of the Committee of Arrangements, 

DOUGLAS TAYLOR, Chairin'm. 
John Savage, I c . • 

IIiRAM Ketchcm, Jr , } '^««-^<«'-»es. 



From the admirable reports in the World, Daily Neics, iJaily Times, Herald and 
Sun, the following general account of the Celebration is taken. 
The New York Herald of September 18, says : — 

Yesterday was a day long to be remembered by every lover of his native land ; long 
to be remembered as the anniversary of that day on which the Federal Constitution 
was adopted and made the safeguard of republican liberty by our fathers ; long to 
be remembered when the memory of that eventful struggle through which we have 
just passed, but from which we have not yet entirely recovered, is recalled ; for 
it was the anniversary of the day when McClellan, as his country's champion, beat 
back the enemy \ipon the hard fought field of Antietam. The day endeared to us by 
such recollections will be especially remembered by every citizen of New York de- 
voted to the sacred principles of the Constitution and the Union. It was the occasion 
for a most decided and hearty response to those principles. The sentiment of the 
city, the Union-loving, Coustitiition-adhering city, found utterance last evening at 
Union square, in tones so decided and unfaltering as to impart renewed energy to the 
contest, and to dispense hope and courage throughout the entire Union. From fifty 
thousand throats went forth, as in a common voice, a manifestation of the sympathy 
of the masses with the good old cause — the perfect Restoration of the Union. Fifty 
thousand hearts beat responsive to the declaration of those principles so de;vr to every 
loyal man. New York never saw such a demonstration before; it will be many years 
ere she witness such another. It was a demonstration which testified the popular 
approbation of that policy which can alone preserve the Union for which we have so 
struggled, for which so many sacrifices have been made, more strongly, more un- 
reservedly, more heartily than anything y^t has evidenced. 

********** 

New York, the brain and centre of the nation, speaks in thunder tones by this 
monster mass-meeting, silencing the discordant voices of Maine and Vermont crying 
still for war. The surroundings and decorations of the meeting were quite unequal- 
led as a spectacle. But better than the speakers, or the bands, or the blazing fire- 
works, was the sight of the thronging thousands who gathered under the statue of 
Washington, and pledged an invincible determination to put down, finally and for- 
ever, the last enemies of the Union which he and the fathers framed. New York 
cries aloud to all the nation — Put down the last enemies of the Union ! 

*******»«» 

The attendance was by far greater than that of any political gathering ever before 
assembled in this city. As early as half-past six o'clock people began to wend their 
way to the place appointed, and soon the streets in every direction were lined with 
the moving crowds. By i-even o'clock the open space around the southern end of the 
square was blocked up witli people, so as almost to preclude the possibility of locomo- 
tion in any direction. But it was not until the hour for opening the meeting had 
arrived, and the processions had begun to crowd in, that the gathering attained any- 
thing like its fullest proportions. At that time, when the speakers of tiie evening 
emerged from tlie Maison Doree and were escorted to the grand stand, there was a 
solid, compact wall of upturned anxious faces, extending from Fourth avenue on one 
side as far as University place on the other. All along Broadway and' up Fourth 
avenue to the northern limits of the Square, was occupied and blocked with the liv- 
ing mass. Thousands, not able to secure advantageous positions in the crowds upon 
the square and in the streets, betook themselves to the buildings overlooking the 
Sjene, the windows, balconies, and even roofs of which they invested. By competent 
judges the assemblage was estimated at fully one hundred thousand persons. It is 
probable that this estimate is nearly correct. 

But the gathering last evening, though almost countless as to numbers, was more 
than a mass-meeting. The immense auditory appeared to be impressed with the im- 
portance of the questions at issue, and anxious to learn from the speakers in what 
way a satisfactory solution of these questions could be reached. The audience, too, 



i5 

embraced a greatei* number of elderly cUizeus than are usually seen at an out-door 
evening meeting. There were hosts of the younger stock to create and keep up an 
enthusiasm that found vent in vociferous cheers wherever the speakers made points 
that " told " on their hearers ; but the sedate and sober-thinking citizens Hanked 
these on every side ; and, although they did not make as free a use of their lungs in 
giving vent to loud hurrahs and bravos, their mutual congratulations, freely out- 
spoken, gave evidence that they entered into the spirit of the gathering with as much 
zest and earnestness as their confreres of lesser years. The names of President John- 
son and Mayor Hoffman were never mentioned without drawing forth from the im- 
mense throng cheers both loud and long. The expositions of the policy of the Presi- 
dent were well received ; and the eloquent appeals to lovers of their country to act 
with a spirit of patriotism and swell the ranks of the Conservative Unionists, made a 
deep and decided impression on the mass of listeners, and must have carried convic- 
tion to the minds of all honest thinking Radicals who might possibly have been near 
the orators. 

But to the meeting, as it appeared from the outside. 

To the Committee of Arrangements, of whom Hon. Douglas Taylor was the Chair- 
man, is due the credit of making preparations, physical, oratorical and popular, the 
like of which have not been seen at any time in this metropolis. In response to cir- 
culars of invitation addressed to many of our most distinguished men, resident here 
and elsewhere, letters were received, some of which, regretting the impossibility of 
an affirmative response, have been published in the 'rimes, World, Herald and News ; 
but from the vast majority answers were received accepting gladly and cheerfully 
the invitation to be present, and lend the aid of countenance and voice to an object 
so broad and comprehensive in its justice and its honorable intent. 

The headquarters of the various Committees was at the Maison Doree, where com- 
pletest arrangements were made for the ready transaction of the thousand and one 
matters that present themselves for adjudication at the eleventh hour. 

In these committee-rooms statesmen from all sections, lately divided by war, met 
in delighted interchange of feeling, patriotism and fraternity. By direct inquiry it 
was found that not a State in the Union but that had several of their most promi- 
nent citizens present, now united in labor, aim, sentiment and future destiny. 
The Reception Committee consisted of the following named gentlemen : 

General Nelson Taylor. Chairman. 
James Gordon Bennett, Moses Taylor, 

William V. Brady, Thomas Murphy, 

Alexander T. Stewart, William M. Tweed, 

James Wadsworth, Gideon J. Tucker, 

Daniel E. Delavan, Oswald Otteudorfer, 

Joseph Hoxie, James Bowen, 

D. B. Allen, Matthew T. Brennan, 

A. Oakey Hall, Thomas McSpedon, 

• Henry Smith, Henry Clews, 

D. B. Northrup, Charles G. Cornell, 

Augvistus Schell, M. T. McMahon, 

R. M. Blatchford, John Y. Savage, 

John Anderson, Gilbert Dean, 

John K. Hackett, George G. Barnard, 

William P. Lee, Henry Hilton, 

< Edwards Pierrepont, George W. McLean, 

Edward Cooper, . Edward L. Corlies, 

William Butler Duncan. 
The majority of them were assembled by 7.30 last night, at the committee rooms, 
where, by invitation, the orators of the evening met, and wei'e assigned to their re- 
pective stands. 



Loug Oefore this time, however, the Square itself presented a magnificent picture. 
Central was the park, dark and gloomy, its shadings made more dense by the glim- 
mering of the gaslights that here and there pierced its drab and dusky depths. In 
front of the Broadway gate stood the Grand Stand — a perfect success in design and 
finish. Its appearance was one of the noteworthy features of the demonstration. As 
the hurrying crowd surged up Broadway and emptied into the square, the stand 
actually loomed up before and beamed upon them like some vast luminous transpa- 
rency, brilliant with decorations, flooded with light, shining in the mingled rays of 
the moon and flash of the gas like a fairy scene in an enchanted isle. It was thirty- 
six feet front, twenty-four feet deep, and forty-three feet high. The floor inclined to 
the front nearly two feet. It was canopied with a dome of blue, studded with em- 
bossed stars in gilt ; a cornice surrounded the dome, beneath which, about two feet 
wide, was a frieze covered with inscriptions, the whole supported by graceful columns, 
around which, and all other available spaces, red, white and blue draperies were en- 
twined, beside large American flags fastened in profusion and taste to this temple of 
oratory. Gas jets, conveniently placed, lighted up the interior for the convenience of 
speakers and reporters. The cornice was red, and the frieze white and blue — the em- 
blematical Union colors. In front, and standing out at a slight angle from the star- 
spangkd canopy, was a large picture of President Johxson, with this inscription bor- 

bering it : 

-*-.AA A/\AAnj"VAAAAAAA/\AAAy\A/\A ' AAAAA/\^ 

q "I leel that I can afford to do right, and, so feeling, S 

5 G-od being willing, I intend to do right, and so far as ^ 

p in me lies, I intend to administer the Government ^ 

^ upon the principles that lie at the foundation of it." ^ 

ii \/vuvuvuv\rux/v\j\; vv uuvvxAy uvxA/uvvv^ 

On the front frieze, in large letters, was the motto: 

^jxnnnj \j\/\r\w\/\nf\J\ru\ru\f\j\r\j\nj\nj\f\/\i\f\A. 

^ " One Country, One Constitution, One Destiny." S 

>fUVVVUV\A/UV\AyX/VUV\A/\AJ\.nj\A/UVLA. W^' 

On the north side the motto : 

* AAAAAA./VnA/\A/\A/\A/\rLAAy\A/AA/1.AA/\A AA^ 

q " The Constitution is ray -League." S 

•^XArUVUVUVVVVAyUVVV\/U\A/U17VVUVUVVV^ 

On the east side : 

*AAAj1.AA/\AAAAAAAA/\AAAA/\AAAAAAAAA^ 

? " Union for the Sake of the Union." 5 

Another inscription read : 

■*7V\AAAAAnrLn,AAA/T.AAAAA.nA/\AA/\AA/AAA.^ 
S "ANDREWJOHNSON, < 

S The man who raised poverty to eminence, and placed .J 
i the laurel on the moistened brow of labor." C 

\Aj\A7>JV\A.'\AJ\A^\A/\AJ\AJ\AJ\AJ\Ay\A/\JV\A/y 

On the east side the motto : 

Aaaaa/vaaaaaaaaaaaaj^aa/ta.a/ A/VAAAA^ 

-5 "I come here to-day with the Flag of my Cotintty) ^ 

C containing Thirty-six Stars, and the Union of the ^ 

States unbrolien " C 



I 



^ VVUVUVXA/ VA; \/V UV UV UVUVXAy UV VA/UVUVV 



Surmoanting the dome, on a large goldeu ball, was a spread American eagle 
in gilt. 

There has never been designed or arranged more perfectly and fittingly a stand for 
the purposes to which this was devoted. 

The other stands, also arranged by Andrew J. Garvey, Esq., were not as rich in 
adornment, but were equally well adapted for the convenience and ease of the speak- 
ers and the press. 

On the several stands east of the Square were the mottos : 

^AArvAAAAAAArvrvAAAAAAAriAAAAAAAAAA*, 
^ " Eternal Hostility to every form of Tyranny." p 

,^Ay\A/VAAA/\AXVAA/\AAy\AnAAAAAAA/\AAAA 
^ " The Union must and shall be preserved." ^ 

.*.A.'^A/\jX'^.AAAArLaA/\A/\AAAAAAAAAAAAAA^ 
q " Peace and Restoration." b 

■* AAA/\A/\AAAAAAAAAAAArtr>AAAArLn.AAA/\^ 
? ♦' With Malice to none, with Charity to all." S 

^UlJXAJUVUVXAJlA/VAJVVXA/UViyVVAyUVXA/lA/^ 

On the four stands west of the Square were the following inscriptions : 

* AA AA AA AA AJ\ ATI. AA AAAAAJT. AAAA AAAA AAA 

^ " The Constitution— Washington established it, (-- 
5 Lincoln defended it, and .Tohnson will preserve it." ^ 

^ U1J\ A/UV VA/ U U >AJ \A/\rU UV VV\rU'XAJ\XU\AJ VA/ ^ 

* A A AAAA/^\AAAAA AAAAAA AAAAAAAA AAATl^ 
'-' " Civil and Religious Liberty the Rights of Man." 5 

AA/\AA A A A AAAAAAAAAAArtAAAAAAAAy\AAA 
'^ 'Our Country, now and forever." ^ 

>' \yv\jx^iAjuvvvu juvxAJVA/ u\y vvxA/\Ay vAy uv ^ 
j^aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa'aaaaaaaaaaaaaa^ 

^ "A union of hearts, a union of hands, p 

S A union of States none can sever ; ^ 

5 A nation of lakes, a union of lands, C 

b And the flag of our Union forever." p 

.-(jT \ A/XA7irU UTJ U U\A/\A/\ A/\A/\A/XA/\AaAy VA/IA/ y 

Prominently displayed on the principal stands were large portraits of Johnson 
Grant, Siieridax, Sherman, Farragut and others, draped in the national colours. 

On the east side of the Square, and at the corners of Fourth Avenue and Fourteenth 
Street, were stationed several calcium lights, and directly opposite and across the 
Square was a similar cluster of calcium reflectors. These diffused a broad sheet of 



6 

light of dazzling brilliancy in every direction, rendering tte scene so bright that the 
minutest object could be seen with great distinctness for a long distance. Around 
the Square and at the various stands were arranged a great number of lamp^, 
gas-jets, and Chinese lanterns. The front of the Maison Doree was illuminated by a 
cluster of gas jets arranged so as to represent an eagle bearing the emblematic shield, 
arrows and olive branch. Red lights were constantly burning in various portions of 
the Square, and the air was filled with the yncessant hissing of numberless sky- 
rockets. 

The music was dispensed by Grafulla's band, by the bands of the several political 
processions participating, and by a chorus of thirty school boys, under the direction 
of Prof. Olney. 

The processions were continually arriving previous to and during the progress of 
the meeting. Many of these processions were very large, some numbering several 
hundreds. They were all attended by bands of fifers and drummers, and every 
member of the processions bore a Chinese lantern. In the processions were borne 
transparencies, many of them containing sentiments of great pith and significance. 
The Twentieth Ward Johnson Club had a large banner, which was borne aloft on a 
wagon, and displayed the words, " In Union there is Strength," with the title of the 
club and the names of its officers below. The Seventeenth Ward National Union Club 
carried a banner with the words, "No Taxation without Representation. 1776—1866." 
In the centre of the banner was a star, with red and white bars radiating therefrom. 
The Twentieth Ward National Union Club made a fine appearance. Their principal 
banner was placed on the west stand, on which appropriate mottoes were inscribed. 
The Sixth Ward Pioneer Club, the Young Men's Independent Association of the Fifth 
Senatorial District, the Seventh Ward Democratic Club, the Eighth Ward National 
Union Club, the Tenth Ward Democratic Associatiun, the Thirteenth Ward Union 
Club, the Fifteenth Ward National Union Johnson Club, the Seventeenth Ward John- 
son and Hofi'man Association, and the Twentieth Ward National Union Club of Brook" 
lyn, all displayed a variety of transparencies, bearing inscriptions which attracted much 
attention and remark. As they reached the scene— the extent of their lines marked 
by banners and transparencies, their bands discoursing music — they were all succes- 
sively received with immense cheers by the assembled crowds. They took their sta" 
tions around the different stands, where their banners and transparencies were dis- 
tributed. 

At a little before eight o'clock, Hon. Douglas Taylor called the principal meeting 
to order, and, after repeated rounds of applause, said : 

The pleasant duty devolves on me, as Chairman of the Committee of Arrangements, 
to call this vast assemblage to order ; to request your undivided attention to the dis- 
tinguished gentlemen who will address you— to welcome you here, and to ask your 
cordial acquiescence in the jirogramme of arrangements as fixed by the Committee. I 
have another— a pleasanter and a more important duty to perform — to present to you 
the eminent soldier and statesman who has been chosen to preside over your delibera- 
tions. It would be entirely unnecessary for me to speak of his merits and renown. 
His whole life has been one continued ser/ice to his country — first among the foremost 
in the performance of every patriotic duty — " Wise in the council, valiant in the 
field." It would be equally superfluous to ask for him at your hands that enthusiastic 
reception to which he is so well entitled. I now beg leave to introduce to you the dis- 
tinguished citizen, patriot, statesman and soldier, Major-Gen. John A. Dix. [Cheers.] 

GENERAL DIX, who was greeted with long -continued applause, then spoke as 
follows : 

Fellow-Citizens : I thank you for asking me to preside over your proceedings this 
evening. I am glad of the opportunity of saying a few words to you. I shall not go 
into details— those I leave to others. But I wish to state briefly the great principles 
which I conceive to be involved in the coming election. [Good.] A little more than 
five years ago you were assembled on this very spot, under an impending national 
peril, to save the Union from forcible dismemberment. You met the crisis in the 
same spirit of patriotism with wliich the City of New York has met every danger, 
every trial, and every adversity in this history of the country. [Applause.] You re- 



solved that the Government of your fathers should be upheld. You resolved that the 
Union should be preserved. You carried out that patriotic determination with an 
expenditure of treasure and blood, which has no parallel in any other country or any 
other age. After five years of toil and privation and suffering, shared with you by 
the great mass of your fellow-citizens, your sacrifices and labors were crowned with 
triumphant success. You believed, and you had a right to believe, that you had 
earned the reward, which all noble resolutions deserve when carried into execution 
with a manly spirit of self-sacrifice. You had preserved the Union from disruption; 
you bad saved the Constitution from the civil convulsion, which seemed more than 
once in the eyes of other nations to have involved us all in the mortal agony of a 
national dissolution. You had a right to expect, when this great peril was over, a re- 
storation of the domestic quietude, the security, the equal government and the un- 
trammeled prosperity which the Union and the Constitution were designed to insure 
to yourselves and to your children. Are you in the enjoyment of these blessings of 
good government ? [" No ! no !"J Where is the internal peace for which you looked 
as the first fruit of your patient struggles against the evils of a long and sanguinary 
war '! Your soil is no longer trodden by hostile armies, meeting in deadly contlict — no 
longer drenched, thank God, by fresh outpourings of fraternal blood. But the war of 
passion and of prejudice is kept up with unmitigated bitterness, although all resist- 
ance to the public authority has long since ceased. What security have you even for 
a continuance of the present precarious tranquillity ? All the lessons of history teach 
us that we cannot go on as we are going now — alienated from eight millions of our 
own people by our own volition, making ourselves felt by them only through the pres- 
sure of our power — without stirring up and exasperating anew the old feelings of en- 
mity which every consideration of justice, policy and magnanimity calls on us to 
soothe and subdue by a generous confidence. [Great applaftse.] Are we living under 
an equal Government [-'No"] — the only Government known to the Constitution? 
We are in a Union of thirty-six States, of which ten are excluded from all share in 
the administration of the public affairs, while all the powers of the Government are 
concentrated in the hands of the remaining twenty-six [" We won't stand it any 
longer.''] Are we enjoying a prosperity free from all useless restraints? ["No.''] 
Kight millions of our people, for want of the self-government to which they are 
entitled, are living under a political abasement humiliating to their spirit, embar- 
rassing to their industry, and discouraging to their efforts to rise up to the standard 
of the new social life which is opening on "them under the altered condition of their 
domestic relations. Is any man so blind as not to see that this injustice is reacting on 
us — on our growth, our production, our wealth, our whole social capacity for useful 
and successful progress? l> any man so biassed as not to perceive, or perceiving, so 
uncandid as not to admit, that it is incumbering us with pecuniary burdens, which 
we ought not to bear, and casting upon the South the weight and the odium of politi- 
cal disabilities, from which they have a right to be free ? [Applause.] Fellow-citi- 
zens, we are not acting the good part. We are neither generous nor just. We are 
as untrue to ourselves as we are to (jthers. It is the senselessness of prejudice or the 
blindness of passion to suppose that we can be false to the higher impulses of our na- 
ture and to the great principles of right and justice, without drawing down upon our- 
selves, in .some form or other, the retribution which is sure to fall upon the individual 
or the community which disregards and sets them at defiance. [Applause.] It was 
to proclaim their hostility to this policy (of which the evils I have sketched are the 
inevitable results), that the members of' the Convention at Philadelphia came together 
from all sections of the Union. They have spoken to you through their address and 
their re.solutions. You know the part I took in their proceedings; and the argument 
by which those proceedings are supported, will come better from others than myself. 
You are here to pass judgment upon them ; [Applause] and I know well, from long 
years of experience, 'what the verdict of this city will be. [Applause.] Although 
you were called together to express your concurrence in those proceedings, there are 
other subjects, to which I may properly invoke your attention. In pursuance of the 
usual custom, a State Convention has been held at Albany, which in its declaration of 
principles may be regarded as re.sponding to the Convention at Philadelphia. It has 
nominated candidates for the State offices to become vacant with the close of the year. 
These nominations have much more than their ordinary importance. They carry 
with them an indor.^eraent of the policy of the President of the United States in 
regard to the States e.\cluded by the action of Congress from representation and from 
all share in the administration of the Government [" Hear, hear !" and applause.] 
In giving the nominations your support, you not only indorse the nominees as men 
worthy of the public confidence, i ut you iudor.'e the measures of the President as just 
and in accordance with the Conslitution under which we live. I shall give them my 
vote on both gnmnds [Applau.se.] It is unnecessary to speak to you of the 
candidate for the first oifice. Mr. Hoitm.vn. [(ireat applause. Three cheers for 
Hoffman and three cheers for l.^ix.] He was born in your immediate vicinity, 



8 

[" He's a Knickerbocker."] he has grown up among you from youth to an honor- 
able manhood ; and he has given abundant evidence of his firmness, his integrity 
and his talents. He is eminently fitted by his character and his qualifica- 
tions for the high office for which he has been nominated. [Applause.] You cannot 
know the other candidates so well ; I know them all ; I believe them to be " honest, 
capable and faithful to the Constitution," coming up in these respects to the standard 
of Jefferson ; and what more need we ask ? [Applause.] The entire ticket will 
receive my cordial support. [Applause.] I shall contribute all in my power to its 
success. I trust it will receive the support of all the friends of the Union and the 
Constitution throughout the State. [" It will."] This is no time for the gratification 
of personal wishes — no time for con.siderations of self. It is a time, like that which 
has just gone by, for disinterestedness ; for self-sacrifice ; for patriotic effort ; for dedi- 
cating ourselves to the service ot the country ; for doing all we can to extend the 
privileges and the blessings of the Union, as we have already extended its authority, 
over every square mile of our territory on which the sun shines, [applause] and to 
spread over our whole people, wherever within the thirty-six States their lot may 
have been cast, the sacred and the all-embracing segis of the Constitution. [Ap- 
plause.] Seventy-nine years ago to-day, Washington and his illustrious compeers in 
the Federal Convention completed their labors, signed the great charter of our liber- 
ties, and prepared it for the ratification of the States. We have lived under it 
seventy-seven years. In that period of time we have grown from four to thirty mil- 
lions of people. Three quarters of a century more will see over two hundred mil- 
lions of souls between the Atlantic and the Pacific Ocean, the great lakes and the Rio 
Grande. If we are true to our ancestors and to ourselves, we may hope, with God's 
blessing, that those who are to come after us will then be living under the same Con- 
stitution, and looking back to us with thankfulness for twice preserving it at a great 
crisis in our history — [applause] — once by heroic service in the field, and again by 
the more glorious triumph of justice and magnanimity over the narrowness of pre- 
judice and the implacability of passion. [Great applause.] 

General Dix then introduced Hon. Samuei, J. Tilden, who was received with 
enthusiastic cheers. 

SPEECH OF HON. SAMUEL J. TILDEN. 

Me. Chairman and Fellow-Citizens : Your Committee of Arrangements have called 
on me, as Chairman of the Delegation of the State of New York in the Philadelphia 
Convention, on the 14th of August, to make you an official report of the proceedings 
of that body. Even while the Convention was in session, intelligence ot its doings 
passed by the lighting flashes of the telegraph to the remotest parts of our extended 
country. In the four weeks which have since elapsed, the wonderful journalism of our 
times, carried by our still more wonderful means of railroad commiinication, has spread 
every detail before our whole people. [Applause.] To-day, this vast concourse of citizens 
has assembled here to declare the almost unanimous approval, by the people of this 
metropolis, of the action of the National Union Convention [cheers], to pronounce 
their almost unanimous judgment in favor of Andrew Johnson upon the great issue 
between him and the Radical majority of Congress. The day chosen for this purpose 
is auspicious. It is the anniversary of the day — seventy-nine years ago — when the Con- 
stitution of the United States was adopted in Philadelphia. [" We will indorse it."] 
It is the anniversary of the day four years ago, when, on the hard-foughten bloody 
field of Autietam [cheers], the army of the Republic, under the leadership of the gal- 
lant and accomplished McCi.ellan, [loud and long continued applause] turned back 
the tide of invasion from the insurgent forces of Secessia. To-daj', the people of New 
York, among whom the Government of the Union was first set in motion in 1789, and 
who have always been devoted to its preservation — -national in position, in interests, in 
sentiments and sympathies — foremost in seeking to avert civil war by conciliation of 
all sections — foremost, when civil war came, in maintaining by force the Federal Union 
and the Federal Government, contributing to the national armies more men, and to 
the national treasury more money, than any other equal population of our country. 
[Cheers.] The people of New York, now that the civil war is ended, say, with one 
acclaim, " Let there be peace and fraternity throughout the land " — [applause, and cries 
of "Suppose we let the Radicals fight them next "'] — and they hail Andrew Johnson 
[loud applause] as the vindicator of the Constitution and the Restorer of the Re- 
public. Fellow-citizens, why should we not, with one accord, stand by Andrew 
Johnson in the great contest which he is now making for the Constitution and for 
civil liberty. It is the same firm, hardy, courageous, indomitable man, who yester- 
day stood by us, by the Union and the Government, alone among the Southern Sena- 
tors, and almost alone in his own State. He confronted every danger to property, 
liberty and life. He was hunted from his home into exile. But he never quailed, he 
never hesitated. He remained perfectly true to his principles of action. Now, I hear 
it complained of, that this same Andrew Johnson has the qualities which we yester- 



day were wont to applaud. I hear it complained of that his nature is not of the soft 
and silken texture which drifts along with the current ; surrendering convictions, 
abandoning duty, seeking only ease, and acquiescing in every wrong which it may be 
inconvenient to resist. I hear it complained of, that, having from the beginning of 
the civil war discarded all party, and thrown himself upon the people, he cannot, 
while traversing the country and daily meeting his fellow-citizens, suppress the 
irresistible impiilse to declare to them his convictions on the great qiaestions which he 
thinks involve the peace and harmony of the country. I hear it complained of that 
this heroic man, who has jjerilled more and sacrificed more for the Constitution and 
the Union than any other man now living, when reviled and traduced, when even 
denounced as a traitor, feels and expresses something of indignation toward his 
assailants. Fellow-citizens, I thank God that Andrew Johnson is what he is, and 
not what his assailants wish him to be. [Applause.] 

Do any, even of them, pretend that lie is not a sincere, earnest, truthful, honest man ? 
[Cheers.] Does anybody doubt the purity and strength of his convictions ? ["No."] 
Does anybody doubt his patriotism and his devotion to the country ? [" No ; only the 
radicals."] Fellow-citizens, I go further. I say that Andrew Johnson is to-day act- 
ing in. perfect consistency with the principles on which he stood in resisting secession 
in 1860 and 1861, and afterward. I have this morning looked over his speeches dur- 
ing that period. I wish that time would allow me to quote from them the evidence 
of what I now assert. I go still further. I say that the doctrine on which Andrew 
Johnson acted in 1861, in resisting secession, and on which he now acts in insisting 
that the ten States denied representation in Congress are still in the Union, and are 
lawfully entitled to representation as States of the Union, is the true constitutional 
doctrine. Fellow-citizens, I studied this whole question in 183.3, during the contro- 
versy between the Federal Government and the State of South Carolina. If I ever 
studied any subject thoroughly and exhaustively, it was this question. I arrived at 
conclusions so clear and so completely thought out, that I have never since felt a sha- 
dow of doubt rest upon them. Mr. Madison, the father of the Con.stitution of the 
United States, was then living. He participated largely in the discussions of that pe- 
riod. He brought to the subject complete knowledge of the views of the framers, and 
of the contemporaneous history of the Constitution, a large political philosophy, and 
half a century of thought, by the one great intellect. In my judgment, no man can 
claim to understand the Constitution or Government of the United States who is not 
familiar with the writings of Jasies Madison. In the discussions of that period it was 
completely established that Thomas Jefferson, the founder of the Democratic Party, 
entirely concurred with Mr. Madison in denying the right of any State to nullify the 
laws, or to secede from the Union. Andrew Jackson was President, Martin Van Bu- 
ren was Vice-President, Edward Livingston was Secretary of State, Silas Wright 
was a Senator in Congress, William L. Marcy was Governor of this State. All of 
these great statesmen of New York — Van Bitren, Livingston, Weight and Marct — 
shared in the discussions. They all repudiated nullification and .secession, as did 
Jackson, Madison and Jefferson. They did it on precisely the same theory of the 
Constitution on which Andrew Johnson did it in 1861. And that theory necessarily 
involves the conclusion, which Andrew Johnson asserts, that the States are all now in 
the Union. The Constitution of the United States is, by its own terms, declared to be 
perpetual. The Government created by its acts, within the sphere of its powers, di- 
rectly upon each individual citizen. No estate is authorized, in any contingency, to sus- 
pend or obstruct that action, or to exempt any citizen from the obligation to obedience. 
Any pretended act of nullification or secession whereby such effect is attempted to be 
produced is absolutely void. The offence of the individual citizen, violating the law- 
ful authority of the United States, is precisely the same as if no such pretended au- 
thority ever existed. On the other hand, the remedy given to the Federal Govern- 
ment against the individual citizen, being coextensive with all the powers it may 
ever constitutionally exert, is in it.self complete and adequate ; and the idea that the 
General Government may exclude a State in its corporate capacity from the Union, 
because of bffences of individual citizens, for wliich there is a complete and adequate 
remedy against them, is totally unknown to our political system. The army itself 
was simply a gigantic pause cnmitatvx to enforc(^ the laws ; and the moment resistance 
to them was suppressed, there revived the constitutional system of our fathers. The 
result of a war to enforce the Constitution, and the laws made in pursuance of it, when 
prosecuted to complete success, could not bc! that one part of the country could govern 
the other on a principle which amounts to a revolution of the whole system. The 
speeches of Andrew .Johnson from December, 1860, are full of these sound constitu- 
tional ideas upon which he is now acting. On the 24th of July, 1861, he offered, in 
the Senate, the celebrated resolution declaring the objects of the war: 

" Resolved, That the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country 
by the disunionists of the Southern States, now in revolt against the constitutional Gov- 



10 



ei-nment, and in arms around the Capitol ; that in this national emergency Congress, 
banishing all feeling of mere passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the 
whole country ; that this war is not prosecuted on our part in any spirit of oppres- 
sion, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor for the purpose of authoriz- 
ing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States, but to de- 
fend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and all laws made in pursuance 
thereof [cheers], and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality aud rights 
of the States unimpaired ; that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war 
ought to cease." [Hear, hear.] It was adopted by the Senate, — yeas, 30 ; nays, 5. 

Yeas — Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Chandler, Clark, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Fes- 
senden, Foote, Forbes. Grimes, Harlan, Harris, Howe, Johnson (Tennessee), Kennedy, 
King, Lane (Indiana), Lane (Kansas), Latham, Morril, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Saulsbury, 
Sherman, Ten Eyck, Meade, Wilkinson, Willey, and Wilson — 30. 

Nays — Messrs. Breckiiuidge, Johnson (Mis.souri), Polk, Purcel, and Trumbull — 5. 

On another occasion, in 1863, he declared : " Tennessee is not out of the Union, 
never has been, and never will be out. The bonds of the Constitution and the Fed- 
eral power will always prevent that. Tliis Government is perpetual. Provision is 
made for reforming the Government and amending the Con.stitution, and admitting 
States into the Union, not for letting them out of it." Fellow-citizens, on the issue 
between Andrew Johnson and tbe hadical majority of Congress, you cannot fail to ren- 
der a verdict in his favor without striking down the vital principle of the Constitu- 
tion and deeply imperilling the cause of free institutions and representative govern- 
ment all the world over. Gentlemen, I have done. [Loud cheering.] 

Several rounds of cheering were then given for Hoffman, Dix, Tilden, and others 
after which Mr. Hiram Ketchum, jr., read the following 



Hamilton Fish, 
Alex. T. Stewart, 
Wm. H. Aspinwall, 
James Stokes, 
Cornelius Vanderbilt, 
Stephen R. Pinekney, 
Joseph W. Alsop, 
Luther C. Clark, 
Stewart Brown, 
John T. Agnew, 
Jas. M. McLean, 
Lycurgus Edgerton, 

David W. Jones, 
Frederick Chauncey, 
David Crawford, jr. 



LIST OF OFFICERS: 
Vice-Presidents. 
August Belmont, 
Peter Lorillard, 
F. S. Kirtland, 
Wm. T. Coleman, 
S. L. M. Barlow, 
Richard Schell, 
John J. Cisco, 
A. A. Low, 
John D. Jones, 
Wilson G. Hunt, 
James Brown, 
Richard Atkinson, 



Secretaries. 
Bernard Casserly, 
Edward L. Corlies, 
Frederick Goodridge, 

RESOLUTIONS. 



Daniel Devlin, 
Leonard W. Jerome, 
Henry Grinnell, 
Andrew Carrigan, 
John A. Stewart, 
Henry Clews, 
Edwin Croswell, 
James Bryce, 
Geo. W. Quintard, 
Richard S. Palmer, 
William Cliauncey, 
John Alstyne. 

Wm. H. Vanderbilt, 
Wm. R. Garrison, 
E. S. Caldwell. 



Hon. Eli P. Norton, Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions, read the following 
resolutions : 

Resolved, Tbat we select this, the anniversary of tlie day that George Washington 
and his compatriots affixed their names to the Constitution of the United States, as an 
appropriate day for the adoption and ratification of the Declaration of Principles pro- 
claimed by the National Union Convention, composed of delegates from every State 
aud district and Territory of the American Republic, which assembled in tlie city of 
Philadephia on the 14th of August last. 

Resolved, That the charities of life, the precepts of our religion, and a wise public 
policy dictate as the first and paramount duty of every American citizen, to aid in 
healing tbe wounds and subduing the passions of civil war, and restoring the Union 
of these States, so tbat in the day of peril, whether from commercial disaster or foreign 
war, our national securities and public credit may remain unimpaired, and the 
national flag maintaiued by the whole united American people. 

Resolved, That we regard it as tlie great felicity and chief distinction of the Ame- 
rican people, that they are governed by a written Constitution, which is the supreme 
law of the land, and that the co-ordinate branches of the Federal Government, the 
legislative, the executive and the judicial, have no powers exceiDt those derived from 
that instrument, while the declaration by the majority of the present Congress, that 
the late civil war has invested them with the irresponsible powers of military con- 



11 

qoerors, and that they recognize no rules except those hj which the conquering sove- 
reigns of Europe have been accustomed to tyrannize over subjugated nations, is abhor- 
rent to every lover of constitutional government, and, if acquiesced in, will reduce six 
millions of American citizens to the condition of subjected aliens, and convert tea 
States into ten Polands, ten Hungaries or ten Irelands. 

Resolved, That the unquestioned Constitutional right of each branch of Congress to 
determine the qualification of its own members, enables it to protect the National 
Legislature from disloyal or treacherous Senators and Representatives, whether from 
the South, North, East or West ; but the assumption of the right of a majority in 
Congress to defy an unchangeable mandate of the Constitution, and utterly deprive 
States of their Senatoj-s and the people of their Representatives, is revolutionary and 
subversive of our institutions. 

Resolved, That Congress, by an act defining treason and its penalties, expressly 
conferred upon the President of the United States the right to exempt from punish- 
ment, by proclamation of amnesty and pardon, those who had committed acts of 
treason or resisted the authority of the United States ; that, in compliance with the 
authority so conferred, President Johnson, at the end of the civil war, issued a pro- 
clamation of amnesty and pardon, which, under the laws of nations and the common 
law of the land, rehabilitated the Southern people included in its provisions in all their 
rights ; and that to disregard this solemn amnesty, which in all civilized nations 
would be deemed an "oblivion to all otTences," to persist in their disfranchisement, 
taxation without representation, threatened confiscation, and the imposition of every 
badge of servitude, is an outrage on humanity and a violation of the national honor. 

Resolved, That the precise and clearly defined issue now before the American people 
is, whether they will elect a Congress that will respect the imperative commands of 
the Constitution, as to Senators, Representatives and Presidential electors, or whether 
they will continue a Congressional majority in power, which gives no guarantee that 
it will not, by conditions-precedent that multiply with the exigencies of party, not 
only indefinitely exclude States from the Union, but overthrow our form of Govern- 
ment itself. 

Resolved, That we are profoundly grateful that Andrew Johnson, in his high ofiice, 
untempted by the proffer from Congressof almost despotic power, has maintained that 
love for the Constitution of our fathers which characterizes the true American citizen ; 
and that, in his masterly State papers and familiar conversations with the people, he 
has demonstrated that he not only comprehends the Constitution, but that, true to his 
oath of ofiice, he will preserve, protect and defend it. 

The resolutions, which were applauded throughout, were adopted unanimously, 
with hearty cheers, at this and at every Stand. 

Mayor Hoffman then came forward. The whole assemblage burst into the most 
tremendous cheering, accompanied by waving of hats and caps, and with every 
demonstration of unrestrainable enthusiasm ; cheer upon cheer rose for several min- 
utes, the cannon opportunely roared out in imison, and the band added its accordant 
notes to the triumphant shout. From this side and that there came cries of " Three 
cheers for Hoffman," which were always responded to until the desire to hear the 
voice of the next Governor overcame the enthusiasm at his presence. 

SPEECH OF HON. JOHN T. HOFFMAN. 

My Fellow-Citizens : [Deafening cheers.] Fellow-citizens : \ " Three cheers for 
Hoffman."] Fellow-citizens: [" Three cheers for the Governor of New York." ] Fel- 
low-citizens : [Continued cheering.] I feel that I am at home, and surrounded by 
tens of thousands of my friends. [Tremendous cheering. " That's so, that's so."] I 
rejoice at this vast assemblage of the American people, gathered together on this an- 
niversary of the adoption of the American Constitution, to ratify and indorse the 
policy founded upon that Constitution, and to denounce a policy at war with it, and 
with the best interests of our common country. [Cheers.] I rejoice that this is the 
second time within a few days when the people of this metropolis have given expres- 
sion to their opinions upon the great issues of the day. [Applause.] I rejoice that 
the people of this city then and to-day affirm the policy which recognizes upon the 
flag of the country thirty-six stars and every star an emblem of a State [cheers]; a 
policy which declares that there is no place for a State except in the Union, and that 
there can be no Union without the full expression and perfect harmony of all the States ; 
[cheers] ; a policy which declares that the war having ended and peace having come, 
it is due to the interests of our common country that every State should have imme- 
diate representation in the persons of loyal men [cheers] ; and I rejoice that the voice of 



12 

this great demonstration denounces the policy at war with these great principles of 
constitutional liberty and constitutional right Why, my fellow-citizens, what power 
does Congress assume to exercise ? The power to keep States out of Congress ? If they 
have the power, and keep States out of the Union and out of Congress, they have the 
power to put. them out of the Union and out of Congress. [Loud applause, and cries of 
" That is so."] That, fellow-citizens, is a statement of a plain principle. If a politi- 
cal majority in Congress can deny to one State representation in Congress, it can ex. 
elude another whenever its representation is not in harmony with its own views ; 
[Cheers] — and, testing the Congress by this principle, I ask the Radical majority which 
contests it. Why not let in Southern Representatives if they can take the oath requir- 
ed by the Constitution and the Laws, and if they prove false to either, then turn them 
out. [A voice, " Good," and " It must be so.] Now, my fellow-citizens, I have said all 
I intended to say to-night. It was not my purpose to make a formal speech. [Cries 
of " Go on." ] I have made a promise to speak a few words at each of the stands around 
the park to-night, and I intend to fulfil it. [Cries of " Good," and applause.] Having 
undertaken that somewhat laborious task, and inasmuch as there are other distin- 
guished gentlemen who will address you, I shall ask you to excuse me. ['"Three 
cheers for Governor Hoffii ax."] I have avoided the slightest allusion to anything 
but national politics. [Applause.] I leave to others the task and the duty of speak- 
ing upon other subjects if they will. You will have the pleasure of seeing to-night, 
and of hearing to-night, the distinguished citizen of New York, who is associated with 
me upon the State ticket, Mr. Pruyn, of Albany, who will follow me. 

Mr. TiLDEN—Fellow-citizens : I have the pleasure to present to you now a distin- 
guished fellow-citizen of this State who, preferring his country to party, joined with 
us in this great conservative movement, and has been placed by the unanimous con- 
sent of all parties, and all the well-wishers of our cause, upon the State ticket as our 
candidate for Lieutenant-Governor— the Hon. Robert H. Pruyn. [Great cheering.] 

SPEECH OF HON. ROBERT H. PRUYN. 

Fellow-Citizexs : I thank you most sincerely and from the bottom of my heart for 
■your kind reception. I can say, as your distinguished fellow-citizen has just said to 
you, that I always feel at home among you, for I am your next neighbor. I only live 
one hundred and fifty miles from New York, and if your city increases in the future 
as it has done in the past, Albany will soon be your north ward. [Laughter.] Who, 
I ask, fellow-citizens, have a right to respond to the resolutions and address adopted 
at Philadelphia, if the men of New York have not ? Who have shown themselves in 
the past so true to the country as you have '! From j'our. unbounded wealth you have 
poured forth treasures for the support of the national Union. You have contributed, 
as no other community has done, to the Sanitary and the Christian Commission, and 
every organization that has been in existence for the purpose of preserving and 
perpetuating our glorious liberties. You have done more than this ; you have sent 
your sons to the war, and they have poured out their blood as no other community 
has done. You have sent out as many men in proportion to your population as any 
section of the country ; and you have been as faithful — as all must admit who look 
with unprejudiced eyes on what has transpired during the last four years — as any 
part of the country to the Constitution and the Union. [A voice — " More so," and 
cheers.] And now you have assembled to-night to declare, as has been said by those 
who have preceded me, that your brethren at the South are entitled to the rights 
which'at the commencement of the war were guaranteed to them as soon as it should 
cea se. [Cheers.] For, as one of your speakers has just said, you have been fighting 
for that very thing. But there are persons who think the South has not suflered 
enough ; there are those who, in that spirit of fanaticism and malevolence which 
should never find lodgment in the American heart, are determined tokeej) the South- 
ern people from their rights for an indefinite period, in order to punish them still 
more than they have been punished. Fellow-citizens, you will protest against this, 
and in defending the rights of your brethren at the South j'ou will only be vindicat- 
ing your own. You will only be acting in such a manner as to promote your own 
prosperity ; for there is not a citizen of the whole country who is not interested in 
having blessed peace once more prevail throughout the entire borders of the country. 
[Cheers.] Therefore, I say, in doing justice to others, you are only doing it to your own 
selves. [A voice — "That is so."] I will not occupy your attention longer on this 
occasion. I hope as the canvass proceeds to have an opportunity to appear before you 
again. I have promised to accompany your distinguished Mayor to the several stands 
which fill this vast area. [A voice — " We'll give you fifty thousand '' — cheers.] Af- 
ter this evening I am prepared for anything in New York. It is a glorious city, and 
whatever it does it does well. [Cheers.] I trust at the coming election you Avill vin- 



13> 

dicate and sustain the country. As you have succeeded in preventing the people of 
the South from rending asunder this glorious Union, you will not unite with those 
people who are madly attempting, in the midst of peace, to accomplish what the others 
have failed to accomplish by the sword [Cheers. J You will frown upon those dis- 
unionists in the North as you have frowned upon the disunionists of the South. 
[Cheers.] You will see that the glorious arch of our Constitution shall be preserved 
unbroken, that not a stone shall be taken from it ; but that, like the old bow of 
promise in the heavens, it shall stand through all time, a pledge to the nations of the 
earth of the perpetuity of this Union and of universal liberty to man. [Great 
cheering.] 

Mb. Tildex. — I have now the pleasure of introducing a distinguished citizen of the 
sunny South, a Union man of the South, a friend of Douglas in 1860 (cheers), the first 
Provisional Governor of Alabama, appointed by Andrew Johnson, Ex-Governor Par- 
sons. [Great cheering.] 

SPEECH OF GOVERNOR PARSONS. 

Fellow Cilizens . The announcement of your distinguished chairman that I was a 
friend of Douglas, the great lamented stateman of the Northwest, reminds me of the 
hast words I ever heard from the lips of that distinguished man. It so happened that 
we made the last speech but one in the canvass of 1860 in the State of Alabama, and 
when taking his leave of us, while on board the steamboat, as it was about moving off 
from the wharf, surrounded by a vast concourse of people, though by no means as 
great as is before me now, who had assembled to take leave of him, amid the stillness 
which reigned around after the last cheers had been given by the crowd, his voice 
rang out " Take care of the Union, my friends, take care of the Union," and the res- 
ponse of the people was " We will." [Cheers.] Fellow-citizens, to-night, methinks, 
I see his spirit, and hear his last admonition to his friends in my State, animating ever 
heart here — " Take care of the Union of the North." [Loud cheers.] And that you 
may be able to do it, and that you may be able to roll back the tide uf fanatical feel- 
ing which is now with I'renziecl hate rallying itself for one more effort to destroy the 
Government of our fathers, is the prayer of thousands upon thousands in that section 
of the Union where I have been. I trust you may be successful. It was often the case 
in the war of the Revolution that the Father of his Country was compelled to call 
upon the sons of New Yoi-k (not then known as the Empire State) to maintain the 
struggle for independence, and we read of no instance where the sons of New York 
failed to respond to that call. [Cheers.] My friends, his spirit now looks down upon 
you, his children, and calls upon you once more to rally round the Constitution of 
the Union, founded by the patriots of 1776. [Cheers.] Those who stood by his side 
in the field, also look down and invoke the blessing of God on your eflbrts] to-night. 
Shall it be in vain ? [Voices — •' No ! never."] Make good your declaration by your 
acts in November. [Voices — " We will."] For I tell you the fate of the Union depends 
upon the results of the ballot-box in November next. [Cheers.] If New York stands 
right the Unioir cannot be destroyijd ; but if the Empire State swings away, and the 
tide of fanaticism and hatred which now seems to be threatening to deluge the land — 
which shows itself in the pulpit, as well as on the hustings — is permitted to llow on, 
then God save the country, for its citizens have failed to do it. My friends, you have 
more than one duty to perform in this struggle. It is not merely to elect your candi- 
dates ; it is the success of the cause on which depends the peace and prosperity of 
the country. That can only be done by your fidelity to principle. Strange to say, 
my friends, we hear from that quarter of the country from which of all others should 
come words of peace and friendship, words calculated to allay passion and prejudice, 
we hear anything but such words. Strange that we should hear from the pulpit 
words that grate ui)on the ear. Alas J that it is so often the case. [A Voice — " Parson 
Brownlow."] Some gentleman says " Parson Brownlow." [Groans.] 

I wish to be understood that I honestly believe that Parson Brownlow, as he is called, 
does not represent, so far as those expressions which are imputed to him in the papers 
are concerned — that he would raise a Northern army, and divide it into three parts, 
the first to march through the South and kill theinhabitants, the second to go with 
torch and turpentine to burn and desolate it, and the third to stake out the lands for 
other occupants — does not represent one man in ten thousand in the South. [Great 
cheering.] Now let me tell you what I know in regard to the condition of the South. 
We understand in the South that wlien this Government was formed by our fathers it 
was divided into three parts, the legislative, executive, and judicial ; that the legisla- 
tive power was vested in the Congress of the United States, the executive in the Pres- 
ident, and the judicial in the Supreme Court ; and that neither of these branches could 
trespass upon the other. We understand that the President is to see that the laws 
are executed ; that he takes an oath faithfully to execute the laws and to preserve and 



14 

defend the -Constitution. Whenever Congress undertakes to execute the law, it trans- 
cends its power and invades the prerogative of the executive department of the Gov- 
ernment. Now, when the Rebellion broke out it was the duty of the President to put 
it down, and it was the duty of Congress to give him as much power as was necessary 
to do it, and it was his duty, and his alone, to declare when the Rebellion was put 
down. Congress had no right to say it was not put down. [Cheers.] 

Now, when the Rebellion was put down the President issued his proclamation declar- 
ing that the war was at an end, and that all the States of the Union were in subordi- 
nation to the law. If the President asserted that which was not true what was the 
duty of Congress? Why, to impeach him. [Cheers.] But Congress has no right to 
say that a State has lost it^ position in the Union. The Constitution gives it no such 
power. That is our belief in the South. We act upon that idea. We acknowledge 
that all who were engaged in the Rebellion are responsible individirally to the laws. 
The President has graciously pardoned a great many of them. There are many whom 
he has not pardoned. Those who wish to engage in hanging men and sending them 
to the penitentiary for engaging in rebellion have got enough work to do, God knows; 
hut when it becomes necessary to try, then that duty devolves, not on the President, 
hut on the judiciary. Now, if the President has been derelict in his duties. Congress 
can impeach him ; that is all they can do. You hear it said that we at the South are 
not loyal. What does loyalty mean? It means obedience to the laws in one sense and at- 
tachment to the Government of the country in another sense ; but I defy any one to point 
to a single act done by the great body of the people at the Soutli sanctioning disloyalty 
or disobedience to the Constitutionof the United States. [Cheers.] On the 9th of April, 
1865, General Lee surrendered. Generals .Johnston and Kirby Smith followed in rapid 
succession. Their surrender was indorsed by every man from the Potomac to the Rio 
Grande in less than sixty days [cheers], and I defy any man to show any hostility to 
the laws or Constitution of the United btates in the South from tliat day to this. That 
there have been disorders and outbreaks I do not deny, but they were political ; they 
were such disturbances as happen anywhere. We hear it said that there is no liberty 
of speech down there. Well, I will guarantee if the President visits us he can have 
a hearing, and that is more tlian he gets in the Northwest. [Great laughter 
and applause.] What would be said if, because the President could not be heard in 
Indiana, Congress should propose to keep that State out of the Union ? [Laughter.] 
It makes a vast difference whose ox is gored. [Laiighter ] The fact of the matter is, 
some people don't like us because we don't sing out of the right psalm-book. [Laughter.] 
You may have heard of the old Methodist lady who objected to the Baptists and Pi-es- 
hyterians when they began to hold camp-meetings. " Why, don't you believe in camp- 
meetings ?" they said. " Don't you believe in bringing sinners into the fold in that 
way ?" •' Why, yes," said the good old lady ; " I wouldn't object if they would sing out 
of the Methodist hymn-book." [Great laughter.] Tbat is the case with the Radicals ; 
they are afraid the representatives from the South won't sing out of Republican hymn- 
books [Laughter.] That's what's the matter. [Renewed laughter.] Gentlemen, I 
want you to understand that this is a struggle in wliich we of the South are as deeply 
and intimately involved as yourselves, and rely upon it, we will do nothing to bring 
discredit upon you. [Applause.] We will stand by you and bear and endure just as 
long as you bear and endure. [Cheers.] If devotion to a cause can be manifested by 
submission to whatever its friends think is necessary for its success, you will find us 
ready to do it. If we can do nothing else we can pray for you. There are thousands 
in the South looking forward with tearful eyes to the result of this struggle. Is it 
to terminate in favor of that party which says there must be more war North and 
South? [Voices— " No, no."] Are our homes to be desolated again, and what little 
we have left to be taken from us ? [" No, no "] Will you, while we stand by you, 
stand by us? [" Yes, yes.'"] Then, gentlemen, in God's name, success to you. [Great 
cheering.] 

Senator Call, of Florida, was then introduced, and received with hearty cheers. 

SPEECH OF HON. WILKINSON CALL. 

Fellow-Citizens of New-Yokk : I appear before you to-night, by the invitation and 
request of your own citizens, and, in deference to their opinion rather than my own 
judgment. I have thought that, in the present state of public opinion in the North, 
the less that was said by Southern men the better ; but, as I know of nothing in the 
South that needs concealment, I may speak openly and without disguise. I trust I 
shall say nothing that may be either misrepresented or misapprehended. One of the 
questions which seems now chiefly to divide tbe people of the North between the Presi- 
dent and Congress is, whether the Southern States shall be restored to the Union or 
retained in it with the great body of their white people exercising the elective fran- 
chise unrepresented in Congress — by men of their own choice — or whether a part only 



15 

sLall be entitled to the franchise — and he eligible to office. This division of opinion 
proceeds doubtless from a distrust of the Southern people, produced, to some extent at 
least, by the statements of those who are pleased to denominate themselves, and are 
called by others, " Southern Loyalists." Indeed, it has, to .some extent, a.ssumed the 
form of a requirement that the test of the eligibility to office shall be not present 
fidelity to the Government of the United States, not good faith, and a sincere purpose 
for the future to discharge the duties and bear the burdens of a common citizenship, 
but that a man shall class himself with and affilate with those who call themselves 
Southern loyalists — that he shall profess, however falsely, that he never sympathized 
with the Southern people, nor aided nor comforted them in their great struggle ; 
that he shall breathe forth fire and vengeance against them, and shall go on 
his strange mission of reconciliation and fraternity with the faggot in one 
hand and the gibbet in the other. I need not say to you, gentlemen, these 
ministers of vengeance are not altogether the best apostles of reconciliation 
and peace. That there is not a great deal in the spirit they evince to draw 
to them the confidence and affection of the people of the South, to induce them 
to repose trust and confidence in them — that of all the requirements demanded of the 
Southern people there is none so distasteful as that which would compel them to con- 
sent to discriminate against their best men — to stigmatize with a public and lasting 
mark of censure those who had carried their earnest convictions into action, and un- 
dismayed by danger, death and hardship, had given themselves without reserve to the 
cavise in which they were engaged ; and in place of these men who have been honest 
and true and admirable, both in their private and public relations, to accept as their 
representatives men who have oftentimes been false to their pledges in public life, 
and infamous in their private conduct. Southern loyalists now — but in the time ante- 
cedent to the war, extremists in opinion — earnest promoters of strife — teachers of 
secession — detractors of the Northern people — now pretended friends of the colored 
man, then and always hitherto pro-slavery men of the most violent character; oppos- 
ing every effort for his amelioration, and denouncing with extreme bitterness all who 
favored it, now claiming as their great merit that they have always been loyal to the 
Union — but then volunteers in the first troops that were raised, now favoring punish- 
ment and confiscation and exile of all who were for the South — then favoring the 
same punishment for those who were for the Union. I will not say, gentlemen, that, 
amongst that very small and insignificant portion of the peojile of the South who 
have separated themselves from the great body of the people since the war, there are 
not some to whom these remarks do not apply, but who, on the contrary, are men 
possessing the respect of their fellow-men ; but I do say that it is a faithful descrip- 
tion of many of them. Neither do I say that there were not Union men in the South 
before and during the war — men who never desired the separation, and who were for 
the restoration of the Union. There were many such in the armies of the South who 
were good soldiers and true men — who preferred death to abandoning a cause in 
which all of their own blood were engaged, because it was going down. Neither do I say 
there were not Union men in the South — a very few, who kept themselves apart from 
the contest because of principle ; but I do say, there is no such man, who has been 
respectable in his private life, and whose puljlic integrity is beyond question, Avho — 
like these pretended "Soiithern Loyalists" — has lent himself to violent denunciation 
and abuse of his fellow-citizens ; who has sought for his own selfish ends to mislead 
the colored people — to withdraw them from their honest labor and to excite them 
into animosity against the whites. There is no true Union man who has not received, 
and who would not now receive, a full measure of the confidence and support of the 
Southern people, more even than his abilities would justly entitle him to. The truth 
is, gentlemen, that those men in the South who most persistently adhered to the 
Union, and opposed the separation to the last, all went into the war, and the South 
became a united South. Whatever there was of virtue, or of character, or talent, or 
manhood, both bond and free, became, in some shape or other, identified with and 
actively participant in the struggle, until there was no South and no Southern people 
except that which was in resistance. It is true, there were many who abandoned the 
cause from wearine^s, because of hardshii^s and sufferings, some from baser motive*; 
but this is no merit of theirs, and does not lessen the truth of my statement. All poli- 
cies must necessarily contemplate either the restoration of the Southern States, or 
their government by an arbitrary and irresponsible military authority. If it be the 
first, there is but one way to do it— that is, the acknowledgment of the full and un- 
restricted right of representation to the people of the South, subject alone to their 
own just constitutional State laws. 

I can conceive of no reasonable end of policy to be obtained by confining the repre- 
sentation of the South to a class of men who claim openly, but falsely, that they are 
so obnoxious to their whole people that their lives are not safe amongst them. This 
surely would not be a State or a republican form of government, but an oligarchy, 
such as the world has never seen, whose dignities, officers, and powers of govern- 



16 

Ment were entrusted to a small minority of the people, selected not because of their 
virtues in either private or public life ; not because of their talents ; not because of 
their stern devotion to the Union ; not because of their sufferings and endurance in its 
behalf — for none of these do they as a body possess — but because they abandoned a 
cause into which they had persuaded otliers, and to which they had pledged them- 
selves ; and because they had rendered themselves, by the most malignant cruelty to 
their own people since the surrender, inexpressibly odious to the great body of tlieir 
fellow-citizens. These are strange electoral qualifications, singular tests for eligibility 
to office. I know that it is said that the interests of the Government would not be 
safe in other hands. That these are the only men who can be trusted. On this 
point, both as to their superior fidelity and past meritorious conduct as a body, I take 
issue, and will for a few moments endeavor to exhibit to you the temper and condi- 
tion of the Southern people ; and we do it with no shame, because we feel that we fought 
a gallant and a manly fight — that in that stern and trying contest our soldiers and 
our officers brought no stain on their name and their parentage. We therefore have 
a pride, and a just one, in the manly and heroic characteristics of the struggle. We 
have a respect for the great men who led us in the struggle, and who shared our dan- 
gers and privations. And we have a most tender reverence and love for the dead — 
the brothers and sons — the dear ones of our homes — our comrades, who, wrapped in 
their bloody robes, slept the soldiers' sleep of death — these are the only trophies of 
that four years' bloody work that we have kept. Surely a generous people would not 
wish to rob us of them. The others we have buried in eternal rest. Our soldiers, our 
generals, our public men have i^roelaimed it. Our people in all forms of legislatio'ii 
have so aflirmed. We have abandoned our State policies. We have renewed our 
pledges of fidelity to the Union, and foremost to set the example liave been Lee and 
Johnston, acting in unison with our entire army. We have sought to become citizens 
again, to discharge its duties and bear its burdens. We have given the sanction of 
the State to the freedom of the slave — and have ourselves surrounded him in his new 
status with all the protection and all the assistance which laws can give when aided 
by the consenting voice of the people. We liave neither the purpose nor the desire to 
retard the colored man in any advancement he may accomplish, but, on the contrary, 
recognize the fact that our interests lay in aiding him in his progress ; neither have 
we any desire to withhold from him rights of any description which he may prove 
himself capable of exercising We are his friends, and if prejudice and passion could 
be stilled for a moment, the people of the North would see that, dependent as we are 
to a great extent upon his labor, with his freedom secured, it would be impossible for 
us to be otherwise than friendly to him. It is true that we do not think it is either 
for his interest or our own that he should be made the subject of political agitation, 
that he should be withdrawn from industry to the excitement of politics ; to this there 
is the strongest feeling of opposition, perhaps an insurmountable one. These declara- 
tions and this course of conduct we have pursued in good faith. We have not sought, 
and do not now seek, a jjarticipancy in the government ; but we are willing, as a 
people, to redeem to the utmost the obligations we have given. We have no country 
but America, no Government but that of the United States ; and while we ask noth- 
ing, solicit nothing, we are anxious to rebuild our shattered fortunes — if permitted — 
beneath its protection, in quiet and peace. It rests with you, the people of the North, 
to say whether the policy of reconciliation and restoration shall prevail. Wliether a 
new era of fraternal feeling shall now begin ; one in which a generous policy, consist- 
ent with truth, giving merit where merit is due, shall reunite the separated sections 
in fact as well as in form, or whether another policy, recently indicated by a Southern 
man, and which finds its expression in the torch and the stake, in the exile of the 
Southern whites and the depopulation of their cotmtry, shall have place. For our- 
selves we have but little to say. We stand silently by awaiting the verdict. We have 
neither a voice in the matter, nor the power of resistance. We have, however, a full 
assurance that, whatever may be our fate, when the passions of the hour have sub- 
sided, the people of the North, as well as of the civilized world, will regard with 
scorn and loathing the Southern men who, in the hour of their people's sorrow, have 
gone about seeking their further humiliation — their humiliation even unto death — 
under a pretence which they know to be false. 

We have a further consolation, in the knowledge that there are large numbers of 
people in the North, and in this great city of New York, who, standing, as they be- 
lieve, by the Constitution of the country and the form of Government it created, are 
seeking to cast the mantle of its protection over tlie people of the South. To such as 
these, of whatever party or to whatever creed they belong, of whatever views 
diverse from our own they may be, the people of the South tender their heartfelt ac- 
knowledgments, and bid them God speed in their patriotic work. Amongst the topics 
used by Radical orators, and which seem most strongly to appeal to the people of the 
North, is the apprehension that the Government will be surrendered to the hands of 
Southern men I Surely no idea so strange, so enormously wrong, can have influence 



17 

with any people. That after five j-ears of war, a conquered people, inferior in numbers, 
with a representation so immensely smaller, could, under the forms of law, obtain 
possession of the Government in defiance of the North, is so unreasonable as scarcely 
to deserve a notice. Certainly, if the Southern people are permitted the rights of 
citizenship, their votes would count on whichever side they might be cast — but this 
is a result which comes under any plan of restoration, and equally belongs to that 
proposed by Congress and that proposed by the President. If it is not intended 
that their votes shall count, why have any system of restoration — why not establish 
at once a Military government — and if it is intended that they shall be a part of the 
Government — why embarrass the settlement with such wild and inflammatory ideas 
as the assumption of the Southern war debt and the repudiation of the national 
securities. I shall not discuss the respective merits of the President's policy and that 
of Congress, biit I will say that under the amendments as they stand, with the test 
oath in force, there can be no representation of the Southern white population — no 
republican government in the South. There may possibly be an oligarchy, in which 
a few hundred professed " Southern Loyalists" shall be both voters and representa- 
tives, aided by a small fraction of the colored population ; but there can be no repre- 
sentation of the Southern white people under the amendments and the test oath ; and 
I really do not believe that a majority of the colored people in the South would con- 
sent to be thus represented. It may be that we see a somewhat strange result from 
these amendments and the test oath combined. We have long been in the habit of 
relying on the North for our trade and commerce. The war has made us dependent 
on them for our politics. It may be that we may be dependent on you for our repre- 
sentatives. In my opinion, the Southern people will prefer, if it must be so, to elect 
for all time to come. Northern men to fill their public places, to taking from their own 
midst the Southern men who falsely comply with the requirements made of them in 
the test oath, who are now known as Southern loyalists. Much has been said of the 
danger of the " Loyalists" in the Southern States. I can assure you that in my own 
State, and in tho other States in which I have been since the war, the statement is 
wholly untrue. I have thought proper to address you on those points of which I, as 
a Southern man, am supposed to know the most. In conclusion, citizens of New 
York, permit me to say that the people of the South desire the restoration of the 
Union — not a forced and pretended Union, but a Union of interest and right. They 
earnestly hope that such measures shall be adopted as will secure a real barmony. 
For this purpose they have surrendered all their own ideas of expediency and often 
of right. They have striven to remove all causes of difference, but the more they 
have sought to conciliate, the more they have been misapprehended. Let us hope 
that the day of a complete harmony is at last approaching, and that with mutual 
forbearance we shall come to recognize and respect in all the parts of this widely ex- 
tended country, the honorable characteristics and the rights of each other. 

After the cheers which followed Senator Call's speech had subsided, the Chairman 
introduced Mr. Johx G. Saxe, the poet, who came forward amid much applause and 
spoke as follows : 

SPEECH OF JOHN G. SAXE. 

Gentlemen : The President has done me the honor to introduce me as a citizen of 
Vermont. [" Three cheers for Vermont !"] Vermont is a State by no means an un- 
lucky one for a Democrat to be born in ; and I am quite sure, gentlemen, that the De- 
mocrat who for twenty-five or thirty years can vote for his ticket with no hope of elec- 
ting it, need not be discouraged when he becomes a citizen of the great State of New- 
York. Indeed, gentlemen, I am inclined to think that those principles of Jefferson 
and Jackson that could survive in the atmosphere of Vermont ought to be of the sort 
that are said to keep in any climate. But apropos of Vermont, she is a gallant little 
State, with nothing bad about her but her politics. She gave a very valuable hand 
in putting down the late Rebellion ; but like many of her sister States in New England, 
she has not discovered that the war is now over. [Cheers.] You have heard, gentle- 
men, of divers military characters, like Gen. Taylor, for example, who was never 
able to determine when he was flogged. That may be very well ; Init it must be re- 
garded as unfortunate when a party does not know when any enemy is flogged. And 
that, I am sure, is the position of one of the parties in New-England. [Cheers.] 
I am not, however, a citizen of Vermont, but for the last five years I have been the 
citizen of a State where I can enjoy the pleasure of voting the Democratic ticket and 
voting with the majority. I have had the pleasure of voting once for a Democratic 
Governor who was elected ; and I propose soon to vote for another who shall enjoy the 
same happiness. [Cheers.] The Rebellion has been put down, the war has passed 
away, and yet the Union is not restored. Eleven States are, unwillingly on their part, 
kept out and held as subject to the will and caprice of a majority in Congress. Against 
this, as an American citizen, in common with our excellent President — whom I hold 



18 

to be right on this point, wherever else he may be wrong— I must solemnly protest. 
What have we to make by longer war, longer discord, between the North and South ? 
Is there anything but bitterness and adversity to come of it in the future ? But I am 
told that we are not so soon to forget the crime of those who made war upon the country 
and sought to destroy it. Christianity urges her benign doctrine of forgiveness and 
peace ; and while nature hastens to hide the darker spots of the battlefield, still cOmes 
the harsh cry of battle from discordant throats, and the voice is " more war." From 
whom comes this voice? From those who have served their country best in the hour 
of peril? No; not from Grant, not from Sherman, nor Meade nor Slocdm— these are 
on the side of peace, these are with the President for a restored Union. No, gentlemen, 
not from these, but from Banks and Butler, and gentlemen of that stripe— [hisses 
and groans] — soldiers, the peculiar quality of whose courage is, that it is in the inverse 
ratio of danger ; heroes of Big Bethel blunders, and Fort Fisher retreats, and Red River 
expeditions. These are our valiant heroes, now our wars are over and villainous salt- 
petre is smelt no more. But, gentlemen, I cannot accord with this ; what is to come of 
all this but the continuance of the very same spirit that plunged us into the unhappy 
war that had well nigh destroyed the noblest Republic of the world. Of this war l"t me 
say a word : It is a war to be remembered with pride and terror to the latest day of 
their lives — a war carried on for four years with an expenditure of money and a mag- 
nitude of armies such as the world has never seen before. Compare with it the 
boasted battles of Europe— the latter have been as pot-house brawls What was 
it all for ? " To preserve the Union," that was the cry ; for that and that only. 
Abraham Lincoln, in his first inaugural address, announced that it was to maintain 
the authority of the Federal Government In every subsequent message it was the 
same ; in his famous letter to Hcrace Greely it was the same ; in his proclamation 
of Emancipation it was announced ; every military commander said he sustained the 
Government and asked only that the enemy would submit to the flag of the Union; 
every diplomatic dispatch spoke only of a war for the Union — it was this that the war 
was for, and Mr. Seward, in language singularly appropriate and beautiful, said the 
vacant chairs of the Senate and the House of Representatives speak with silent elo- 
quence to the members to come back to their vacant seats. Congress, in both Houses, 
passed solemn resolutions, announcing that the war was for the re.storatiou of the 
Union — that the moment their arms were laid down the war would be at end. Is the 
war at an end ? [" No."] It is proposed it should be continued. We have had war enough. 
But, gentlemen, we are told that these eleven States that have been kept out have not 
given proper proofs of their loyalty. We have heard Andrew Johnson — to the shame 
of those who uttered it — we have heard him called a tyrant and a traitor. Of what do 
they accuse him of tyranny ? If he has been tyrannical it is upon a point no North- 
ern man has a right to complain of. The last "utterance Abraham Lincoln gave us 
was, that as soon as the South laid down their arms they should be restored to the 
Union ; and he expressed the greatest anxiety lest they should be unwilling to come 
in and take their seats in the two Houses. What did Andrew Johnson do ? The 
South had laid down their arms— the reb^'Uion was at an end. But the Nortli seems 
to require some guarantee that their loyalty is genuine. Three things have been ac- 
ceded to. They were told that they must repeal their ordinances of Secession ; which 
they did, and very willingly. That was very well— not too much. They were 
to call Conventions and enact that slavery was abolished. They did that. One thing 
more, though it must be simply nugatory, was reiiuired — the passage of a resolution 
repealing the rebel debt. They did that. What, more could men do to signify that 
they were loyal, and accepted the results of the war? This Andrew Johnson required. 
I did not vote for him, but I intend to support him in whatever I deem to be right. 
[Cheers] He was tyrant enough to do all that. What would they have more ? Why, 
gentlemen, forsooth, now they have done that and slavery is abolished— at which, as 
a democrat and a lover of liberty for all men of all colors wlio are fitted for it, I re- 
joice — these rhetorical, parlor philanthropists are not satisfied. They must be enfran- 
chised. These men, untaught in the arts of self-government, give them the right to 
vote— to do what white men have made such bad work with through all this country ? 
It is not fair on the part of the North to ask that. President Johnson has left it 
where the Constitution of the United States left it— with the several States. It seems 
to be singularly indecent for us to ask our Southern friends to do, in proof of their 
loyalty for the black man, what we are not willing to do ourselves. We all know how 
common it is, in times of political excitement, to call a man who differs from us on po- 
litical matters a traitor. But I confess I never hear that word applied to the Presi- 
dent of the United States without being in danger, eminently in danger of forgetting 
my manners and remembering only my muscles in indignation of the man who dares 
to utter the word. [" llravo ! " and cheers.] Now what is a traitor ? One who is fahe 
to his country. And who more than Andrew Johnson has proved his patriotism and 
his loyalty— this man who stood alone when men in the i-euate abandoned it ! Who 
more than Andrew Johnson has proved a glorious, a most loyal political record ? It 



19 

was for this that the party who elected him chose him out of all the men before the 
country — a democrat, and none the better liked for that ; it was for this they gave 
him the second office in the gift of the Republic ; and it has pleased the Almighty, 
through a mournfal dispensation, to place him at the head of aft'airs in this crisis, and 
I do no*, rebel against the appointment of Divine Providence in this regard. I do not 
say this irreverently ; but I remember when his lamented predecessor was taken away 
by the hand of an assassin, many of our philanthropists were ready to say, it is the fin- 
ger of Providence — ^just so long as they could see Andrew Johxson was to be the aven- 
ger of blood ; but they do not recognize the finger of Providence in Andrew Johnson 
when he comes with the benign attributes of an angel of mercy. But, gentlemen, 
there are abler men than myself to speak to you, and I will not occupy your time. 
[" Go on.''] I have very little more to say ; but I will say this : It has been said by a 
sage of antiquity that an honest man and a brave man struggling with adversity is a 
spectacle upon which the immortal gods look down with interest. Surely if this be 
true, the spectacle of an honest and brave man struggling with fanaticism to save a 
shattered country is that which every patriotic man should look upon with more 
than interest, with a prayer that he may go on, that he may be successful. [Cheers.] 
I rejoice that we have such an excellent .standard-bearer— young, gallant, brave and 
a scholar — a man of high accomplishments and good name— good on account of his 
family and on account of his own behaviour. This I hope will be the second time I 
shall have had the pleasure of voting for a successful candidate for Governor. 
[Cheers.] 

Speeches were also made at this stand by Judge Evans, of Texas ; Judge Embury, of 
Kentucky ; and Hon. W.u. D. Bishop, of Conn. 

Mr. Ketchu-m then read the following telegrams, which were enthusiastically re- 
ceived. 

TELEGRAM FROM TUE SOLDIER'S CONVENTION AT CLEVELAND. 

Cleveland, Sept. 17th, 1866. 
To the Hon. Douglas Taylor, Chairman, etr. : 

Our Convention is immense in numbers, harmonious in action, and enthusiastic, and 
we propose, with your assistance, to maintain the Constitution and the Union invio- 
late against all opponents and aggressors, come from whatever quarter they may. 
Greeting and success to all your efforts. How goes the battle in Union Square ? 

John E. Wool, Chairman. 
Gordon Granger, 
Thomas Ewing, 
L. H. Rousseau, 
Lewis Campbell. 

RESPONSE FROM UNION SQUARE. 

New York, Sept. 17th, 1866. 
To the Chairman of the Convention of the Soldiers and Sailors at Cleveland, 0.: 

One hundred thousand men, merchants, mechanics and citizens of New York, 
assembled at Union Square, send greeting to the Soldiers and Sailors of the Union 
now assembled at Cleveland. May your peaceful meeting tend to accomplish that for 
which your blood has been poured out — the immediate restoration of the Union. 

Douglas Taylor, Chairman of Com. 
John A. Dix, Chairman of Meeting. 

TELEGRAM TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 
His Excellency Andrew Johnson, President of the United States: 

The meetings are a grand and entire success. Over one hundred thousand people 
in Union Square cheering for Johnson and the Union. 

Douglas Taylor, Chairman. 



H.KErcHUM,Jr.,)g J 

John Savage, J 



20 



At the 

WEST MAIN STAND. 

The meeting was called to order by Hon. Shekidan Shook, on whose motion 

UDOLPHO WOLFE, Esq., 

was elected Chairman. Charles Price, Esq., read the Resolutions, and Mr. John Savage 
Submitted the following 

LIST OF OFFICERS. 



Vice-Presidents. 
Dickson A. Given, 
John W. Avery, 
Barow Beiirimo, 
Matthew T. Brennan, 
Charles F. Tag, 
John Bryan, 
Josiah Jex, 

Samuel A. Lewis. 



C. A. Sprague, 
William O'Brien, 
Charles H. Harney, 
J. H. V. Cochroft, 
Charles G. Cornell, 
Benjamin Hart, 
Edward Cooper. 



Secretaries. 



Samuel F. Barger, 
Smith E. Lane, 
Edward K. Mead, 



William H. Lewis, 
Gratz Nathan, 
John H. Hartnett. 



The meeting, which was nearly as large and enthusiastic as that in front of the Centre 
Stand, was ably and eloquently addressed by Hon. Hexry J. Raymond, Hon. George 
F. CoMSTOcK of Syracuse, Hon. Richard Vaux of Pa., Col. Yergee of Miss., Judge 
Babcock of Ct., Hon. Charles H. Fowler of Ct., and others. 

Amongst other distinguished gentlemen on this Stand, were Hon. Charles P. Daly, 
Hon. J. W. Chanler, Governor Hopkman and Lieutenant-Governor Pruyn, Hon. John 
Fox, Hon. R. B. Coxnolly, Hon. John Kelly, Hon. Morgan Jones, Hon. James Mon- 
cRiEF, Hon. Samuel B. Garvin, Hon. George H. Purser, Hon. James Hayes, and Hon. 
John Anderson. . 

At the 

EAST MAIN STAND 

The meeting was called to order by Hon. Thomas Murphy, who presented, as pre- 
siding officer 

THE HON. C. K. GARRISON. 

Mr. Garrison welcomed the immense audience in an appropriate and patriotic ad- 
dress, which was received with tumultuous applause. 

Mr. James W. Farr then read the resolutions, and Mr. Horatio P. Caer read the 
following 

LIST OF OFFICERS. 



Vice-Presidents . 



Chas. P Leverich, 
Wm. F. Beams, 
James Robbe, 
James M. Dunbar, 
Gilbert M. Speir, 
James Kelly, 
David Watts, 



David B. Allen. 
Secretaries. 



Algernon S. Jarvis, 
Abraham S. Hewitt, 
Joseph Murray, 



Andrew Mount, 
Henry A Smythe, 
Henry W. Johnson, 
Legrand G. Capers, 
E. H. Schermerhorn, 
John A. Riston, 
Samuel D. Babcock. 



George H. Brodhead, 
A. J. Morales, 
George H. Kitchen. 



The Orators at this Stand included Hon. James A. McDougall, U. S. Senator from 
California, Gen'l Sturgis, U. S. A., Hon. Jas. Gallagher of Ct., Governor Parsons, 
Col. Gardner of Pa., J. I).\ggett Hunt, Es(i., Col. Richard T. Deming and Hon. D. C. 

BiRDSALL. 

Among those present were the Hon. James Brooks, Hon. Anson Herrick, W. 
Butler Duncan, Esq., Hon. A D. Russel, Chancellor Robertson, Judge Cardozo, Hon. 
Thos. McElrath, Col. Geo. B. Van Brunt, and Hon. Terence Farley. 



21 



Attte 

NORTHEAST STAND 

Mr. John H. Williams called the meeting to order, and introduced the chairman 

HON. A. J. DITTENHOEFER. 

J. Daggett^ Hunt, Esq., read the resolutions, after which Hon. Thos. McSpedon 
read the 

LIST OP OFFICERS. 



Vice-Presidents. 



Ahram Wakeman, 
John Pettigrew, 
John Brougham, 
James B. Nicholson, 
William Boardmau, 
Loring Andrews, 
Anthony L. Robertson, 



C. C Baldwin. 



Samuel Sloan, 
Wm. Brjce, 
John H. Morrison, 
Smith Ely, Jr., 
Daniel P. Ingraham, 
John F. Purdy, 
George W. McLean, 



Aaron Brinkerhofl", 
Samuel Mullen, 
Chas. S. Denike, 



Secretcu'ies . 
Nathaniel Jarvis, Jr., 
Henry A. Gilbert, 
George A. Osgood, 

Among the speakers at this Stand, were Senator McDougall, Capt. Isaiah Rynders, 
Col. Samuel J. Crook, Col. Spencer W. Cone of N. J., Hon. Gideon J. Tuckek, of 
N. Y., Hon. Abkam Wakeman, and Hon. Gilbert Dean. 

At the 

NORTHWEST STAND 

Hon Samuel G. Courtney called the meeting to order, and nominated as chairman, the 

HON. ERASTUS C. BENEDICT, 

Who made an eloquent and effective address. Hon. E.H.Anderson then read the 
resolutions, and Hon. Michael Connolly submitted the 



LIST OF officers. 



Vice-Presidents. 



M. H. Levin, 
Wm. Trumbull, 
Wm. M. Tweed, 
Wm. C. Langley, 
W. Wetmore Cryder, 
I.saac Bell, 
Pierre C. Van Wyck, 



Joseph P. Beach, 
Joseph King, 
RoUin B. Gray, 



Willam C. Prime. 
Secretaries. 



David L. Baker, 
Claudius L. Monell, 
John Van Nest, 
Peter B. Sweeny, 
P. A. Hargous, 
John E. Burrill, 
John D Van Beuren, 



Thomas E. Maires, 
Geo. W. Rosevelt, 
Iverson W. Knapp. 



Among the speakers at this Stand, were Hon. Samuel S. Cox, Hon. A. J. Rogers, 
of N. J., Senator Call, of Fla., Hon. Amos K. Hadley, Hon. Elias J. Beach, Jerome 
Buck, Esq., Hon. Luke F. Cozans, Judge George Durfie and H. P. Cochrane, Esq. 

At the 

UNIVERSITY PLACE STAND 

Hon. Frederick A. Tallmadge called the meeting to order, and introduced as chairman 
the 

HON. HIRAM KETCHUM, 

Who made an admirable and impressive address on the great question of the day. 
Among those present on this stand were Hon. John K. Hackett, Hon. Aug. Schell, 
Hon. A. Oakey Hall, Hon. Thomas E. Stewart, Hon. A. M. Vandewatkr, Congre.ss» 
man Radford, of Westchester, Hon. A. S. Sullivan, Col. E. B. Hart, Hon. George 
G. Barnard, Hon. John M. Barbour, Col. Charles Roome and others. Joseph W. 
Corlies, Et^q., read the resolutions, and Mr. George F. Thomson submitted the 



Augustus Scliell, 
David M. Stone, 
John R. Garland, 
Walter W. Price, 
Wm. Whitlock, 
0. DeForrest Grant, 
Wm. C. Conner, 



n 



lilST OF OFFICERS. 

Vice-Presidents. 



George G. Barnard. 



Washington Hunt, 
W. A. Budd, 
Henry Hilton, 
John McCool, 
John R. Brady, 
Robert L. Cutting, 
N. J. Waterburv. 



D. M. Smythe, 
Charles R. Cornwell, 
Franklin Allen, 



Secretaries. 



John J. Bradley, 
Jenkins Van Schaick, 
Arthur Leary. 



The speakers included Hon. Isaac R. Wilson of N. J., Hon. Geo. M. Curtis, Col. 
Stager of Pa., Di.strict Attorney McClellan, and Col. Roosevelt of Westchester, Hon. 
E. T. Fellows ot La., Hon. Henry L. Clinton of N. Y., and others. 

At the 

GERMAN STAND, 

East of 4th Av., 

The meeting was called to order by Col. P. J. Joachimsen, who introduced 



as Chairman. 
Esq., submitted 



MR. WILLIAM A. KOBBE. 
Councilman Charles Koster read the resolutions, and Henry Hertz, 



LIST OF officers. 



Vice-Presidents . 



Oswold Ottendorfer. 
C. Schwartzwaelder, 
John H. Seip. 
Chas. Koehler, 
Nicholas Fisher, 
Geo Raucli, 
Michael Kuntz, 



Carl Albert, 
Frederick Busch, 
Peter Weirich, 



Conrad Fuelling. 
Secretaries. 



E. 0. Bernet, 
Charles E. Loew, 
Henry Claussen, Jr., 
Lewis Geissler, 
Gustav Leweck, 
Henry Peters, 
Wm. Menck, 



Ignatz Traub, 
Christian Schmitt, 
Justus Koch. 



The following speakers addressed the meeting : Magnus Gross, Esq., Hon. John J. 
Preedman, Dr. Philip Merkle, Hon. Max Goepp, Herman Schroder, Esq., Mr. Hoss- 
tettek, Dr. Wm. Schirmee, G. N. Herman, Esq., Mr. Burschweiler, Mr. Schmidt and 
others. 



LETTERS, 

Warmly endorsing the object of the Meeting, were received from many distinguished 
gentlemen in all parts of the Union, including Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Hon. Hugh 
McCullough, Hon. Millard Fillmore, Hon. Reverdy Johnson, Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, 
Hon. George Ashmun, Hon. Edgar Cowan, Governor Thomas E. Bramlette, General 
John E. Wool, Hon. Thomas Ewing, Hon. Wm. W. Eaton, Hon. W. S. Groesbcck, Hon. 
Horatio Seymour, Hon. Benjamin R. Curtis, Hon. Jas. S. Thayer, Hon. A. C. M. Penn- 
ington, Hon. Lemuel Stetson, Hon. Sanford E. Church, Governor Joel Parker, Hon. 
Joseph T. Crowell, Hon. A. H. H. Stuart, of Va. ; Hon. Henry C. Murphy, General 
John J. Peck, Hon. Alonzo C. Paige, Hon. Charles G. Phelps, of Md. ; Hon. Martin 
Grover, Judge Hiram Denio; Ex-Governor Washington Hunt, Hon. Lewis D. Camp- 
bell, of Ohio ; Hon. G. B. Adrian, Hon. Charles W. Carrigan, Judge Davis, Judge 
Nelson, and a host of others. 



23 

SONGS 

Written for the occasion, and sung at the various Stands under the direction of 
Prof. Chas. F. Olney, J. A. McSoeley, Esq., 0. Sloan Holden, Esq., Mr, John Ker- 
rigan and others. 

GOD BLESS THE PRESIDENT ! 



Roll out the grand old banner, whose folds unite the free, 
They wave o'er Andrew Johnson, the star of Tennessee. 
Oh ! twine a wreath of olive where laurel boughs were bent, 
And rai.se the shout together, God bless the President. 

Roll out the grand old banner, whose folds unite the free, 
They wave o'er Andrew Johnson, the star of Tennessee. 



He hush'd the dying murmur, that whisper'd o'er the land. 
He chid his erring brother — he grasp'd him by the hand ; 
Away, ye canting bigots — probe not the healing sore, 
Let ancient pride unite us —let rancor rage no more. 



For through the sky there glimmers a rainbow o'er the night, 
To dry Columbia's weeping — to hail her future bright. 
Cheer up, ye crippled heroes — death clouds have died away ; 
There beats a heart to aid you — not made of selfish clay 



Now joy gild every mountain, and peace smile o'er each plain. 
And happiness light ev"ry cot, from Florida to Maine ; 
Let maiden's songs re-echo where foemen met the foe, 
And childhood's laughter waken the homes of long ago. 



Yon tatter'd Northern banners their tales of glory tell, 
O'erhangs the weeping willow where Southern valor fell ; 
Bare then your arms together, look proudly o'er the sea. 
And throw the gage for liberty, ye grandsons of the free. 



STAND BY OUR PILOT ! 



The Pilot of our Ship of State 

Stands fearless at tliR helm ! 
No tempest, black with tiendish hate, 

Our craft shall overwhelm ! 
The billows 'gainst her sides may lash, 

The hurricane may roar, 
The skies with tires of hell may flash, 

The land may sush with gore : 
Our Captain, with his Freedom Chart, 

Shall guide the shi]) aright, 
And jieace shall gladden every heart, 

While love the land shall light. 
Then nail the colors to the mast. 

Sail onward with the cry — 
" Our cause shall triumph at the last, 

And Union hate shall die." 



Disunion lurks on every hand, 

He sets his signal light, 
And threatens yet to wreck the land 

When day is lost in night. 
Our Piesident no danger fears, 

Truth Hashes from his eye ; 
The traitors' boast he daily hears. 

And heeds the millions' sigh ! 



The Casket of our Union Rights 

Will cheer his fearless soul. 
While Freedom's Cause Disunion smiles. 

And Love obtains control. 
Then nail the colors to the mast ! 

Sail onward with the cry — 
" Our Cause shall triumph at the last, 

And Union hate shall die !" 



The Constellation of our Sires 

Sheds down, to-night, its rays. 
And kindles on each hearth the tires 

That burned in other days. 
It seemed to say, " Yo sons, take cheer ! 

" Protect our Native Laud ! 
"Like Spartans, banish ever tear ! 

" Anfl like a Unit stand !" 
Our Pilot listens lo the voice, 

And bends to Heaven the knee, 
While Patriots, North and South, rejoice 

In Peace and Liberty. 
Then nail the colors to the mast, 

Sail onward with the cry — 
'Our Cause shall triumph at the last. 

And Union hate shall die." 



u 



GOD SAVE THE UNION ! 



" God save the Union '." The foemen are nigh, 

Rending the banner we love ! 
Rescue the flag, patriots, "Union " the cry, 
Save, save the stars born above ! 
Legions of hate 
Menace the State, 
Sveorn our brethern to smite 
'Neath the mantle of night ! 
Down with the traitors in Union disguise ; 

" Peace and reunion " the cry ! 
Banner of freedom ! thou'lt still deck the skies ; 
G-ladly to save thee we'll die. 

" G-od save the Union !" The churches pro- 

" War is religion's decree ! [claim, 

" Smite, smite thy brother! for Union, for fame; 

" Blood soon will bring victory." 

" Parsons," this preach ! 

Christians, this teach ! 



Heaven enlighten the blind ! 
Banish madness from mind ! 
Down with the traitor ! though priest in dis- 
" Peace and reunion " the cry ! [guise ! 

Stars born for freedom shall e'er deck the skies, 
Gladly for Union we'll die ! 

" Our country," the bulwark of freedom shall 
No star from her banner shall fall ! [stand! 
Our loved Constitution--onr dear fatherland — 
Shall beam like the sun round the ball. 
Laymen and priest. 
North, West and East, 
With the South bound by love. 
Shall view Heaven's smile above ! 
Down with the traitors in Union disguise ! 

"Peace and reunion," the cry ! 
Stars born for freedom'shall e'er deck the skies, 
Gladly for TJnion we'll die. 



CLOSING SCENES. 

In brilliancy, in enthusiasm, or in numbers, tbe scenes in Union square last nigbt 
have rarely been equalled, certainly never surpassed. Even as late as nine o'clock 
many of the Ward Associations entered the Square, and as each one passed in review 
before the Main Stand, the speaker was for the time being interrupted in his remarks 
by the stentorian voices that welcomed each arrival. Shortly before ten o'clock the 
pyrotechnic display, which had been gotten up especially for the occasion by the 
Messrs. Edge, was set fire to, and attracted the attention of the assemblage, and as 
each piece was discharged the expressions of wonder and astonishment which follow- 
ed was only equalled by the anxiety and suspense exhibited for the discharge of the 
great central tableau. The second best piece was very fine, consisting of three lines 
of red and yellow letters, containing the words, " I stand by the Constitution and the 
Reunion of the States." This appeared to fine advantage, as immediately behind it 
stood a pine tree, the rich foliage of which showed ofl' the letters with fine efi'ect. 
This was followed by the gem of the evening, representing the figure of Johnson, 
surmounted by a rainbow, on either side of which were two figures, one representing 
the South, with extended hand, and the other the North, tendering the olive branch, 
and underneath were inscribed the words " Peace and Reunion," the whole surround- 
ed by thirty-six stars, representing thirty-six States. The scene during this display 
was grand in the e.xtreme ; hundreds of rockets lit up the air ; guns belched forth 
their salvos ; thousands of voices rung out their vivas of admiration, and when silence 
was in some degree restored, from the brazen throats of the numerous bands the 
national anthem was given, which was in turn taken up by the assembled multitude. 
From this time the crowd began to disperse, the various Ward Associations began to fall 
into line and leave the Square by the diiferent avenues leading toward their quarters. 
Stands became unoccupied save by the blue-coated policemen who occupied them 
until taken possession of by those having them in charge, and in half an hour after- 
wards the Square assumed its usual quietude, and the great demonstration in support 
of the Constitution and the Reunion of States was brought to a close. 



(/^ 









•^S^ 









O- «&^ 

«^ 

cCCC 

cdCCL 
tOCCX 

c:c_cr 






tc <3rc: csaK cod c:^ 

c . G -^ <i:tc «fcc ^^ g<5t c c 









cccd' <:«<:- ^co 

cc^r<r <:<<:<: deer 
cc\f<r' «:<f^c<- dec CL_ 






' cstd 



dC " «:icc «L_ ccocd 

dc <r^c:<r' cc;vc: 

€c ■:€:: <sc. c:_ «^cd 



cd - 












^<C«d <s>c 

Kcoidc^c: 

C€C» 

. ^^ittcc^crac - 

_ _ * > — , . d?' <£<d'-'t<r c 

<dcc<tdcc ... ^r'crc_^c.>.c cj 

iQCCCcrc C cr'cd d«<c.tr cd 

=Tcc:cdc: ...cr*d c ^o- r<d: 

rc^dcir : d<c: d <«x<^^f ■ ' 

t^^Cddc d«r: 'd cdr>-.c d ; 
Tddc dcd" td cdf''Ci' d ' < 



-«x;ci' ec 'C: d-c_-c: <««.«: 

rCt": CC d <dd d <o;d 

«3:xx' cc -d <^d d.^ €?.c: 

«]^ -<£(: c^^dd^c 

d:<ccr cc c c.<g<c d- <<';'c 

^^<^" CC c aC^<d<^ d'ilC ' 

cxidd ^:; <imd<:<: CC .- 

r c^ \ . «c&id<: c\ «^^ c " ' 



<rd:, 

<s:d 

crd<- 

<r<dd 



cd:<£-dc 



CCTC^ 



f d: 

«Lc: d: 
d d 












C7'^ c:: cTA ^ _ 












O Oc^ C^ C^ 



^^ c <r c: c 

CC c cic 

"Cic c cr c 

x: c <: ^ 

_,c: c '^^ * 

ic: c 

l<i c <L «^ 

Ijc c c e 
Tc c c (^ 

CCC C: 

CC c" . cc 

CTcC ' C( 

CCC c< 

Cccc • c 

cr<c ■ ^ 

CCC ^ <^i« 

CCC C< 

■cccc ' ex 
C£?C' C c 

^lC c<^ 
CEC c^< 

CCC C J 



dCcO, 
<ScC 

csc<r 
ccc: 



%f 



^ c: <CC 



4%^^ 



<fy(- *^- 



^^c:c^ 



^^I# ^cc 



t^^ cc;<c 



ICCSC 
C.2yC 



= ^^^^jC XSC 



= C^ CT^^c cc 

JC oc 

c cc ^ c c: msr c c^ 

_:<; <ccc <^ c <c«rr c c< 

Tccc^.:cc.^Kr:' cc cc 

c <3x c ct: c c^tsr cc c<: 

c <ro cr cc^QC cc- c« 



7 c cc 

-^ Cc cc 

"c <Lc<: ^:<^<:msz' €c cc 
c <3x c ct: c c^tsr cc cc 
c <rc< cr cc^QC cc- c« 
°T cc^ <K<K^BZ cc: ci^ 
- <s; c ^ c c ^3cr cc c< 
" c?cc ^ cc<3c: cc <£ 

■■" <XC< ^.CCOST' CC <g. 

' c<c c cs cc «^ cc dc 

--<^.c^cc«r cc <i: 
^ <scc ^c;«j^ <gc; ^: 
^. cccc cTiCcc^ CCC <x: 

> <ccc'C:k.ccic:_ CCC <" 



cc <i: 



^cO 

<ccC 



c<3:: <s^ 
. c-c«c cao: 

<o3ti. c<c: 



CCC 

C€C 

cgc: 

<fC 

<s'c:. 



Cf<cc: 
ciccccr 

•Ccccd. 
C/OC 
C OC:^ 






<mc: 

CJcc<^ 



r«xco 
ict: c: 

<:'^ <^ 

cr^^c^ d < 

dccc c: c 

<r<cc d ^ c 

■^ccc <z: <- c< 

.dc<cc c:".cc 

'(C^ccc d cc 

«c < 

° CCC <z: < cc 



coerce 

ff^cjti^ cc 
fe:c:<!^ <^c 

fecrvicc <^ 

cj(?; c:*ccc 



L ^^ CC «C«c:ic: dl<t ' ^ 

' <r ^ cc cr^ssfc c^"<^- ■ 

^c^ <r«:c*: ^:.'^' . 
^c^ ■CT'^'c.^-^J 
CT-ccc d:^C. S '5 , 



Z C£^ 
_tc. c: cTi^^ 

cKd ■ cii<sr 

• fe; d C(<3C: 

Ci c: c<c 

=^ cc 

«.Jx. ^ c^C 

^ZC CI' C(C . 

<3tC: c'cc 

^^^CO CC 
- c<<: 
~ CC " 

cc 
cc: 

' CcC 



<i<zr <^ 

CCd <r 

ill 

<rc<r <i€ 



dC ^ c< 

dc c: cc 
^ o cc 

crc c: c 
4C3< c: c 



C <L cc 

^c d cc 
c cr cc 
c d: cc 



- cc d/5,> ^< c d: ce 
■ cc ^^^5 ^ c; /d:cc 

cc d:c« ^ ^ cdccr-; 



